Jan 20, 2026 — Venezuela: A 2026 Snapshot: Venezuela’s macroeconomic situation remains very fragile, with very high inflation, widespread poverty, and a still weak oil sector; the article views stabilization (including receiving 30-50 million barrels of oil to sell at market prices) and reconstruction as long-term tasks. Washington still has major leverage through trade, diplomacy, and sequencing of economic relief, but any gains will be limited unless political and institutional conditions improve. Includes graphics on GDP growth, inflation rate, economic indicators, and key figures (notably, GDP is projected to steadily decrease while inflation is projected to steadily increase).
Emilie Sweigart Americas Quarterly
Jan 20, 2026 — The Way Forward for Venezuela: Focuses on what a post-crisis path could look like, especially sequencing for governance, sanctions, and recovery planning. Warns that Interim President Delcy Rodríguez’s administration is less stable than appearances suggest, having to contend with powerful figures General Vladimir Padrino and Diosdado Cabello, who maintain influence with the military and colectivos.
Michael Reid Americas Quarterly
Mar 18, 2026 — How Can Venezuela's Opposition Regain Momentum: The opposition remains fragmented and is struggling to convert political openings into sustained leverage, which means any transition remains vulnerable to reversal or elite co-optation. Tensions are rising in Venezuela, evident by a public transportation protest and the first strike in years to publicly demand minimum wage increases and better pensions. Includes a graphic detailing Venezuela’s Chavismo-Controlled National Assembly, which is supplemented by political leaders’ concerns about the integrity of the electoral authority (CNE).
Omar Lugo Americas Quarterly
Mar 11, 2026 — Two months without Maduro in Venezuela: Democratic transition or authoritarian adaptation?: Venezuela has entered a changed political moment, but not a democratic transition yet; WOLA says the main risk is that the regime adapts and preserves authoritarian control rather than genuinely opening up. Some real shifts have occurred, including political releases and renewed U.S.-Venezuela diplomatic contact, but the core coercive apparatus remains in place: political detentions, weak courts, non-independent electoral institutions, and restrictions on opposition activity. For U.S. policy, the key lesson is that sanctions relief or economic engagement alone will not deliver democratization; any support should be tied to concrete institutional reforms, human-rights protections, and accountability. Includes a timeline of events two months post-Maduro.
Laura Cristina Dib Washington Office on Latin America’s
Feb 2, 2026 — Proposed Amnesty and Jail Closure Stir Hopes for a Venezuelan Spring: Argues that Venezuela is experiencing a real opening signaled by the shift seen by an amnesty law, the closure of the Helicoide detention center, and the release of nearly 350 political prisoners. Economic stabilization is already changing conditions on the ground, with U.S.-managed oil revenue, a stronger currency, and the possible return of flights and foreign business interest helping to ease pressure on regular Venezuelan citizens. Warns that amnesty alone will not dismantle the security-state apparatus; lasting change will require purging abusive forces, ending censorship, repealing anti-dissent laws, and rebuilding a credible opposition that can pressure both Caracas and Washington.
Phil Gunson International Crisis Group
Jan 5, 2026 — Making sense of the US military operation in Venezuela: Argues that Venezuela’s transition would depend on immediate humanitarian aid, military unity under civilian authority, and a sequenced approach to accountability; otherwise, the result could be fragmentation, civil conflict, or expanded violence. For military planners, the biggest warning is escalation risk: if Maduro’s remaining network does not comply, or if the operation triggers internal resistance or war, Washington may face pressure to expand the mission beyond what was originally intended.
Scott R. Anderson, Alex Brockwehl, Marcela Escobari, Marcela Escobari Marcela Escobari Senior Fellow - Global Economy and Development Vanda Felbab-Brown, Samantha Gross, Michael E. O’Hanlon, Ted Piccone, Elizabeth N. Saunders, Caitlin Talmadge, David G. Victor, Valerie Wirtschafter, Kelebogile Zvobgo Brookings Institute
Jan 7, 2026 — The global implications of the US military operation in Venezuela: Argues that the willingness of the U.S. to take unilateral action in the hemisphere undermines U.S. credibility when it argues for restraint, rules, and sovereignty elsewhere. Concern that the operation to extract Maduro may embolden other powers, such as Russia, who can read the Venezuelan operation to extract Maduro as a precedent for big-power intervention. China uses the operation to criticize U.S. “hegemonism” and present itself as the defender of international law.
Scott R. Anderson, Sarah A. Binder, Richard C. Bush, Vanda Felbab-Brown, Daniel S. Hamilton, Kari Heerman, Jonathan Katz, Patricia M. Kim, Suzanne Maloney, Steven Pifer, Dafna H. Rand, Douglas A. Rediker, Melanie W. Sisson, Constanze Stelzenmüller, Andrew Yeo Brookings Institute
Jan 23, 2026 — How China’s oil-backed lending in Venezuela fell into distress—and what might come next: The structure of China’s oil-backed lending is based on money now and oil later, with loans repaid through future oil shipments. In Venezuela, loans were issued primarily by the China Development Bank; oil was supplied by state-owned PdVSA; revenues from oil sales were used to service debt via Chinese-controlled accounts; and repayment relied on a single source of revenue (oil exports), even when loans funded non-oil sectors. Includes a diagram of the four-party agreement or blueprint of China’s collaterized, commodity-backed lending. Includes a timeline of the Joint China-Venezuela Fund. Venezuela is the largest recipient of Chinese lending in Latin America (4 th largest globally). There have been multiple defaults and restructurings (2014, 2020), China issued repayment delays instead of full relief, and more than $10 billion remains outstanding.
Oshin Pandey, Pavan Raghavendra William and Mary's AidData
Jan 16, 2026 — China’s divorce from Venezuela wasn’t caused by the US. It already happened a decade ago: China’s relationship with Venezuela began deteriorating in the mid-2010s, not due to recent U.S. actions. China maintains massive exposure to Venezuela: over $105B in loans from 2000-2023 and about 91% backed by oil (around $95B), and the restructurings in 2016 and 2020 caused China to de-risk via: Cutting off major new lending after 2017 and replaced with minimal engagement (small aid, scholarships, etc.) Oil output in 2015 dropped from 1.65M bpd to about 570K bpd in 2020, also contributing to the de-risking strategy. U.S. sanctions made repayment harder, so China pivoted to other regional partners such as Brazil, Guyana, Colombia, and Peru.
Bryan Burgess, Lea Thorne William and Mary's AidData
Jan 5, 2026 — AS/COA Statement on the Situation in Venezuela: Calls for a legitimate, democratically elected government in Venezuela; calls for investment, social peace, and rule of law; highlights backing for pro-democracy leaders like María Corina Machado and civil society and private sector actors; and stresses that Venezuela-led efforts (activists, private sector, and civil society) will be decisive moving forward.
AS/COA
Mar 25, 2026 — José Enrique Arrioja on ABC about the State of Venezuela Post-Maduro: Argues that the political and economic system is trying to survive intact rather than fully transform. Delcy Rodríguez is attempting to maintain cooperation with the U.S. and keep this arrangement as long as possible. Despite leadership changes, political repression and lack of free speech persist, and the citizens remain afraid to speak out or demand reforms. María Corina Machado is still a widely popular opposition leader, and her return to Venezuela is uncertain due to security risks.
Victor Oquendo AS/COA